Director's Blog

The Northern Ireland Foundation is a firm advocate of the devolution of  powers, so that local citizenry feel they have a more direct stake in the selection and quality of services that affect them.

Globally, powers are devolved in a variety of ways. The Economist magazine published one of its special reports, this one on Spain. One of the articles critiques Spain's relatively recent (post 1978) experiences of devolution: "How much is enough? Devolution has been good for Spain, but it may have gone too far"

The formula for Spanish devolution has been known as café para todos, or coffee for all. Decentralisation has solved some problems, but created others (so the Economist argues).

One is the contention that some of the regions instead wanted coffee only for themselves, which is displayed, for example, in the claims of Catalan and Basque nationalism.

The Economist doesn't point to any easy answers, besides some hindsight that it "would have been easier for all concerned if Spain had adopted federalism in 1978".

As for planned reform of local government for Northern Ireland, proposals look more akin to federalism, than letting any particular council run away with ever increasing powers (e.g. social services, policing).

Who in Ulster is ready to don the mantle of Barack Obama?

8 November 2008
OPINION: Allan Leonard (Belfast Telegraph)

As Barack Obama’s momentous victory is still reverberating across the globe, Ex-pat American Allan Leonard reflects on how Northern Ireland may benefit Is there anyone in Northern Ireland today, ready to take on a similar role to that of Barack Obama in America and unite our still divided community?

It was a long campaign for Barack Obama to get elected as President of the USA. After an all-night session with multiple television channels and frantic clicking a battery of websites throughout the vote count, I've shut out the distractions for a moment to reflect on what Obama's victory can teach us in Northern Ireland.

There is no denying the historic significance of an African-American achieving the highest public office of America. There will be plenty of authors of that essay.

Likewise, Obama's campaign will serve as a textbook case of how to tap into new audiences (young, disaffected) using new techniques (for example micro-donations on the web).

Globally, much of the world may be impressed by this unlikely of events, a man with humble origins from an ethnic minority who has galvanised unity, representing a new hope, if only to correct some of the wrongs of the past American administration.

I read and hear repeatedly about how America is different in this regard. How America, as an immigrant nation, can absorb new cultures better than others. How its sense of nationalism is based on a civic ideal, rather than a historical legacy of culture. How its optimism and ‘can-do’ spirit makes it better placed to face new challenges.

I don't see how progressing society is the preserve of American citizens.

My concern is that these attributed qualities excuses others from examining diversity and modernity in their own societies. Here, Ethan Bronner (International Herald Tribune) writes a well-informed and reflective article, ‘For many abroad, an ideal renewed’.

Here in Northern Ireland, where I call home, I see much friendliness and generosity of spirit. Folk don't suffer fools gladly, and everyone's got something to say.

But much like the matter of race relations in America, when it comes to our own divided histories, neither America or Ireland has yet to have that discussion. Obama made his point in his ‘More Perfect Union’ speech, during the campaign earlier this year.

And maybe Americans still won't have that conversation. Maybe they'll decide that electing an African-American is good enough, or all that can be done, for now.

But if America is ready for that conversation, I couldn't think of a better opportunity or set of circumstances, particularly considering Obama's own diverse family history.

We should be considering our own conversation here. We've at least started to set up some necessary frameworks, such as a power-sharing form of government and the Healing Through Remembering cross-community project.

What would obviously help is a transformational figure. Someone who can draw upon his or her personal experiences, who can speak to the legacy of our troubled history without having to rely upon it. Someone who can propose a positive agenda, reaching out beyond traditional constituencies. Someone who knows how hard it will be to achieve change through the system, yet demonstrates determination and resilience to make it happen.

Lest one despairs this as wholly idealistic, I actually witness this in Northern Ireland by numerous individuals, including politicians.

But it many times fails to reach the critical point where sufficient people get behind the project.

As those who got involved in the Obama campaign can attest, if you want change you need to be part of the change.

I am doing my part by trying to encourage this process in Northern Ireland. Considering how much we have been able to achieve in only the past 15 years, there is so much working in our favour. Yes, many hard challenges remain. But if we are to take inspiration from America today, it's that Barack Obama didn't achieve just a personal victory for himself, or a historic moment for African-Americans.

What Obama's message of hope and change really means is that coming together for a better future is worth the effort.

Allan Leonard is the Director of the Northern Ireland Foundation, a private, charitable, independent organisation to help address the legacy of conflict in Northern Ireland and to develop a future built through trust and working together. He is originally from Ohio and has been living here for over ten years.

Stratagem NI (Ltd) hosted an evening seminar of visiting Lebanese journalists: “Media, identity and co-existence: Sharing Learning from Lebanon and Northern Ireland”, to mark the culmination of a four day study visit to Northern Ireland by a group of senior Lebanese journalists. There are eight in the group, from across the political spectrums, both print and broadcast media, and are led by former BBC Radio 4 journalist Tudor Lomas who runs www.jemstone.net from Jordan.

Their visit focused on recent experiences in Northern Ireland, investigating whether or not there are lessons to be learned about peace, co-existence and how to reach viable compromises.

Mark Simpson chaired the event. He is now the BBC's Ireland correspondant, replaceing Dennis Murphy, who retired. There were about 40 in attendance at the seminar. The discussion was lively, with full participation.

One Lebanese journalist cited a locally (Lebanese) produced documentary about how all the media covered the "May events" [9 May 2008, when Hezbollah temporarily took over Western Beirut?]. This was example of how the Lebanese media is starting (just) to have a debate among itself about its objectivity, fairness, and bias of coverage.

Another Lebanese journalist described the (surreal) matter of how the media were prevented (censured) from reporting the [Serian army withdrawal and suspected links with the assassination of Lebanese prime minister Rafik Hariri] as significant events, due to "book practices" (i.e. Government-approved guidelines of what reportage is permissible). The departure of the Syrian army has reduced Government censorship, but not the reality of political party and other editorial control of the media.

After the dinner break I described the role of the media in the 1998 Good Friday Agreement referendum campaigns, Northern and Southern Ireland. Namely, the Northern Ireland Government publically supported a "yes" vote, whereas in the South the Government, by law, put forward the case for both a "yes" and a "no" vote. Quintin Oliver further explained how this is procedure is evolving in the South, whereby the Government will financially support "yes" and "no" campaigns directly on such type of referendum. I sought to contrast Government censoring events to facilitating equal treatment.

One Lebanese journalist was particularly pessimistic that the current poltical peace in Northern Ireland would last. Mark Simpson asked her for exact reasons, and she and others provided a succient list:

1. "Peace walls"; someone said they should be called "hate walls"
2. Separate schools (by religion)
3. Segregation (walled neighbourhoods, no-go areas, separate shopping, leisure, etc.)
4. The public funding of separate buildings and services based on segregation
5. Rancoring by the politicians
6. Lack of consensal identity ("In Lebanon we are all Lebanese.")

What I found remarkable was that this these items were identified and agreed so quickly by these foreign visitors, across the board, and coming from an area of deep societal division themselves.

This generated some exchange of ideas. For example, one Lebanese journalist said that maybe Northern Ireland is more realistic about its deep divisions and how difficult it will be to achieve reconciliation, in contrast to Lebanon, where people are told (sic), "The short war is over, we are all happy, reconciled Lebanese once again." She cited John Alderdice, who said that "peace is a process".

Another mooted whether Lebanon was turning into Northern Ireland. I don't know if this was meant in a positive (path to peace) or negative (acknowledging and entrenching divisions) way. It was mooted whether Lebanon was part of a big Middle East problem, or saw itself as an island to stay out of this bigger conflict.

Finally, there was a debate about the motivation of politicians. A local person argued that the Northern Ireland policians need sectarianism to survive, that the politicians are more interested in fighting each other than getting on with each other. In regards to dealing with the proverbial elephant in the room (sectarianism), another local person suggested to "eat the elephant one spoonful at a time". In reply, a Lebanese journalist said that he felt at times Lebanese politicians keep "picking the wound" to stay in power.

I thorougly enjoyed this event, for the discussion that it generated, including each side (NI and Lebanese) recognising similarities and differences.

As part of the annual Alliance Party Conference at the Marine Court Hotel, Bangor, the Northern Ireland Foundation hosted a fringe meeting: "Our future together: Realising a shared vision for local communities". I prepared a folded-A3 flyer, describing the meeting as "a discussion about engaging with local residents and neighbourhood groups, to explore challenges and possibilities, and work together to achieve a shared vision".

I served as chair, and panel speakers were Anne Carr (Community Dialogue) and Paul Smyth (Public Achievement).

I video recorded our three introductions, which are available on our website: www.nifoundation.net/videos

Anne Carr gave a good description of her relevant experiences, making a point that her work doesn't concentrate solely at the grassroots community/local resident level, but multiple levels that include local council officers, politicians, and the business community.

She said that she worked to create a "tangible shared future".

Paul Smyth said that we need to have the type of leader that recognises his/her weaknesses and puts better qualified/knowledgeable people around him/her.

Paul cited the work of Stephen Coleman, who wrote a report for Carnegie UK Trust, "Remixing Citizenship", which starts from the position that it is not young people that are disconnected from formal politics, but political institutions that are disconnected from young people. The report sets a new agenda for debating the relationship between young people, the Internet and democracy.

Next, Paul described his organisation's work with the WIMPS (Where Is My Public Servant) website.

Related to the topic of participatory budgeting, Paul described the experience in Oakham, England, where the budget for home health care was put in the responsibility of the recipient. The result was that the funds were put to use in an imaginative way (e.g. a season pass at local football club, which freed up time from his usual carer).

I posed the following series of questions for the audience discussion, tying in young people as part of community dialogue: "What is your experience of engaging with young people? What do you think works? What doesn't? And what steps would you take next?"

One delegate raised the matter of competing community representatives, and he and others added the paramilitary dimension to this fact as well. I followed by asking how do we reach out to the wider community within a particular neighbourhood, or otherwise circumvent the efforts of "gatekeepers" if they're curtailing progress.

Another delegate said that the matter wasn't necessarily one of funding; funding in itself isn't a sufficient solution. Instead, he saw the challenge as to help, but not come across as imposing a solution. As ever, the ideal was to have local citizens drive the changes they valued most.

Lynn Fraser (Alliance Newtownabbey councillor and previous Mayor there) provided her experience and concrete examples of what she saw as potential solutions. First, there is the tricky issue of defining what the community is. She agreed that funding isn't the most important matter. Indeed, public funding of "community worker" has now become toxic (i.e. associated with paramilitarism). She said that it was important to examine what the relevant issues actually are, first. For her, it was important to devise ways of engaging with the whole community (neighbourhood), not just groups of people (youth, Catholics, etc.).

She spoke favourably of her practical experience with the NI Fire Service's "Life Service" scheme, whereby disaffected young people are put through a programme of being exposed and incorporated into the work of the fire service. It is a personal development scheme of sorts, teaching discipline and personal management skills. Importantly, those who go through the programme are included in the feedback mechanisms for future schemes.

Stephen Martin (Young Alliance Chair) said the the empowerment of young people is key. He described young people's relationship with the current NI political situation as a "stormy present": young people still don't feel that they can engage with politicians, but that it was up to young politicians to show that efforts to engage with young people is not just words (rhetoric). Overall, Stephen spoke very forthrightly about the role of young people in politics.

After the fringe meeting, I meet up with Paul and one of his international interns, for a further discussion.